ACPO Press Releases

ACPO announces national CT campaign

ACPO Press Office — Mon, 8 Mar 10 00:00:00 GMT

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'No call is a waste of time', that is the key message of a national counter-terrorism campaign launched across the UK today. (Monday 8 March 2010)

The public are being encouraged to pick up the phone and report any activity or behaviour which is suspicious or out of the ordinary to the confidential Anti-Terrorist Hotline on 0800 789 321.

The annual campaign will run for a month on national and regional radio, in national and regional press and in a range of magazines.

The advert includes a picture of what appears to be a normal neighbourhood garage brimming with bottles of chemicals and boxes. It asks the reader to consider what they see and questions whether the garage is being used by a handyman, a pest controller - or whether it is being used as storage by a bomb maker.

In addition to the adverts, leaflets are being delivered to around four million homes across the country. The leaflet contains the same garage images and also includes a list of suspicious activities that residents should keep an eye out for.

While the threat of a terrorist attack in the United Kingdom remains real and serious the advertising campaign has not been launched in response to any specific threat.

DAC Stuart Osborne, Senior National Co-ordinator Counter Terrorism and Head of the MPS Counter Terrorism Command stressed that any information passed to the Anti-Terrorist Hotline is treated in the strictest of confidence.

All information is thoroughly analysed and researched by experienced officers, before, and if any, police action is taken.

�Experience has shown us that terrorists do live alongside us in our communities,� said DAC Osborne.

�While they will try and hide what they are doing they can leave tell-tale signs behind and that is where the public can help us by looking out for activity or behaviour which strikes them as suspicious or out of the ordinary.

�We must not become complacent. We all have a responsibility to remain vigilant. I would urge anyone who has any concerns about possible terrorist-related activity to contact police through the Anti-Terrorist Hotline.�

� The ACPO Press Office can be contacted via 020 7084 8946/47/48/8859 (office hours) or via 07803 903686 (out of office hours).

� For copies of the print or radio adverts please contact ACPO Press Office (see above).

� The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is an independent, professionally led strategic body. In the public interest and, in equal and active partnership with Government and the Association of Police Authorities, ACPO leads and co-ordinates the direction and development of the police service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In times of national need ACPO, on behalf of all chief officers, coordinates the strategic policing response.

� ACPO�s 356 members consist of 261 Chief Police Officers from the Home forces of Assistant Chief Constable rank (Commanders in the Metropolitan Police and City of London Police) and above, plus 74 Senior Police Staff members from the 44 forces in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Non Home forces such as British Transport Police and States of Jersey Police have 16 Chief Police Officer members.

ACPO comment on tackling anti-social behaviour campaign

ACPO Press Office — Tue, 9 Feb 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on anti-social behaviour Assistant Chief Constable Simon Edens said:

�The police service is committed to tackling anti-social behaviour in our communities, but it is a job that cannot be overcome by the police alone. Police, local councils and communities must continue to work together to ensure people acting anti-socially are dealt with appropriately.

�We know that in many cases the police are the only 24-hour, 365 day per year resource that the public can turn to and this new booklet will hopefully assist those who may have concerns about anti-social behaviour in their neighbourhoods as to the practical steps they can take to report such cases.

�As such, effective data sharing arrangements between partners are crucial in order to ensure vulnerable members of the public are identified and protected. People should feel secure in their communities and the police service will continue working hard with them to ensure vulnerable people are safe."

� The ACPO Press Office can be contacted via 020 7084 8946/47/48 (office hours) or via 07803 903686 (out of office hours).

� The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is an independent, professionally led strategic body. In the public interest and, in equal and active partnership with Government and the Association of Police Authorities, ACPO leads and co-ordinates the direction and development of the police service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In times of national need ACPO, on behalf of all chief officers, coordinates the strategic policing response.

� ACPO�s 341 members are police officers of Assistant Chief Constable rank (Commanders in the Metropolitan Police and City of London Police) and above, and senior police staff managers, in the 44 forces in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and other forces such as British Transport Police and States of Jersey Police.

ACPO comment on the high level working group � Value for Money report

ACPO Press Office — Tue, 2 Feb 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on finance and resources Chief Constable Grahame Maxwell said:

�The police service has been highly creative in making savings without impacting on our front line service and will respond positively to the recommendations in this report. Value for money is vital and we are seeing some strong examples of innovation, with forces collaborating on IT, on joint operations and other services. Some forces have already begun a process of replacing their basic command unit (BCU) structures whilst others are refining the BCU structure to deal with modern demands.

"The police service is a 24-hour, seven day a week organisation and has to be able to respond flexibly to any event or crime at any time. Overtime is paid to officers of constable or sergeant rank only and reflects the realities of modern policing. It should always be properly monitored by chief officers and police authorities for cost effectiveness. The service is absolutely committed to driving efficiencies while ensuring that the right structures and resources can be called on to meet the needs of each and every local community we serve."

ACPO comment on new police powers on alcohol

ACPO Press Office — Fri, 29 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on licensing Commander Simon O�Brien said:

�The Police Service welcomes these new measures to combat the problem of underage drinkers and those supplying alcohol to them.

�The ability to remove alcohol from underage drinkers and take action against those who, through vulnerability or lack of personal responsibility, regularly misbehave under the influence of alcohol will assist the police in dealing with the complexities of alcohol misuse and misbehaviour.�

ENDS

ACPO comment on Police Service Strength statistics

ACPO Press Office — Thu, 28 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on Finance Chief Constable Grahame Maxwell said:

�All forces are acutely aware of the need to utilise the public purse in the most effective manner in order to support and protect front line service delivery.

�The statistics reflect the impact of the recession and forces have had to position themselves for the challenges ahead. There is no doubt that Chief Constables face some tough choices in the near future, and need to be radical and innovative in our thinking, to ensure we continue to deliver the policing service the public both expect and demand.�

ACPO comment on Police Service Strength report

ACPO Press Office — Tue, 26 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on Workforce Development Chief Constable Peter Fahy said:

"This report shows that there has been a steady increase in police officers and police staff over the past five years.

�The police service has made good use of this increase in achieving significant reductions in crime and disorder and introducing neighbourhood policing teams across the country. At the same time we have seen a growth in the complexity of policing, a rise in public expectations, an increased cost of compliance with legislation and inspection regimes and a new threat of global terrorism.

�The service has achieved substantial efficiency savings and made good use of the advances in science and technology. The numbers of police officers will always be of concern to the public but the public also wants to see that police forces are using the money given to them as efficiently as possible by ensuring that officers are freed up from administrative tasks which keep them off the streets.

�As future public spending levels reduce, the police service knows that there will be hard choices and as almost 88 percent of the police budget is spent on staffing this does mean that we have to ensure we are getting the best out of every single member of staff. It also means that in certain funding scenarios reductions in the workforce are inevitable. We will do everything we can to ensure that we maintain our effort in those areas which are of most concern to the public and that we maintain our record of reducing crime and increasing public confidence.

�ACPO agrees with the findings of this report that innovative and radical approaches will be needed."

ACPO comment on quarterly crime statistics July-September 2009

ACPO Press Office — Thu, 21 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO head of Crime Chief Constable Keith Bristow said:

�Recorded crime statistics published today are good news overall showing significant reductions which reflect the hard work of the police service and our partners to keep people safe from harm in every community. Figures for the twelve months to September 2009 show a reduction of six per cent annually, while recorded crime for July to September 2009 shows an eight per cent drop on the same quarter the previous year.

�Following an increase in the last quarter, the detail shows domestic burglary down by eight per cent, with other reductions recorded in robbery, drug offences and criminal damage. Vehicle crime also dropped by 20 per cent, which may be attributable to a combination of factors including improved crime prevention and better vehicle security design, allied to a focus on tackling prolific offenders.

�The police service nationally will take note of the increase in recorded sex offences, which follows hard work over a long period to encourage victims to come forward and report these crimes. Across the service there is more work to be done in building confidence in this critical area but this indicates more people are coming forward. We need victims to know that we are determined to meet this challenge and put their needs first.

�This publication shows some encouraging trends which we are determined to build upon in our daily fight against crime in the communities we protect.�

More than 7500 arrested during Christmas drink and drug driving campaign

ACPO Press Office — Thu, 21 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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Police arrested more than 7500 people in the month-long blitz on drunk drivers over the Christmas period, ACPO lead for Roads Policing Chief Constable Mick Giannasi revealed today.

�More drivers than ever before were breath tested over the holiday period - 223,423 � and despite all the messages that drinking and driving is dangerous and illegal, some people still do not get the point,� Chief Constable Giannasi said.

�Three percent of those drivers breath tested were arrested and while that fell from the previous year it means that despite all the messages about the dangers of drinking and driving there were still 7638 drivers on our roads posing a threat to themselves and others and that is totally unacceptable.�

The campaign ran from 1 December to 1 January with 43 forces throughout England and Wales testing drivers at all times of the day and night.

The numbers of drivers breath tested increased by 21.82 on the previous year while the number of arrests dropped by 16.51 percent.

�Despite our concerns about the small minority who continue to drink and drive, we are encouraged by the decreases in the statistics in most areas. But the end of the campaign definitely does not mean the end of police vigilance to catch those who continue to flout the law however and drink and drive.�

The statistics also once again reveal that those who have been drinking and then drive are more likely to be involved in an accident - 7 percent of those breath tested after a collision were arrested.

�One death on the roads devastates many families and will always be one death too many. We will continue in our efforts to make the roads safer for all users.�

The number of under 25s testing positive also fell on the previous year, but are still over-represented in the statistics with 4 percent of the 49,970 people breath tested being arrested.

The number of people testing positive for drugs fell by 36 percent but still remains high at an alarming 18 percent of those tested.

�Driving under the influence of any substance, whether it is alcohol or drugs is not acceptable. Alcohol and drugs can impair your ability to judge speed and distances, reduce concentration and delay reaction speed. Worst of all it can kill, and that�s a life sentence no-one would want to live with.�

NOTES FOR EDITORS:

Full national results are avialable from the ACPO Press Office.

� The ACPO Press Office can be contacted via 020 7084 8946/47/48 (office hours) or via 07803 903686 (out of office hours).

� The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is an independent, professionally led strategic body. In the public interest and, in equal and active partnership with Government and the Association of Police Authorities, ACPO leads and co-ordinates the direction and development of the police service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In times of national need ACPO, on behalf of all chief officers, coordinates the strategic policing response.

� ACPO�s 341 members are police officers of Assistant Chief Constable rank (Commanders in the Metropolitan Police and City of London Police) and above, and senior police staff managers, in the 44 forces in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and other forces such as British Transport Police and States of Jersey Police.

ACPO comment on mandatory code on alcohol

ACPO Press Office — Tue, 19 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead for alcohol licensing, Commander Simon O�Brien, said:

�A mandatory code that cuts down the irresponsible sale and consumption of alcohol is a welcome step. Up and down the country officers, along with partner agencies, are working hard to make streets, pubs and clubs safer. But the reality is that enforcement is only one avenue to bring about change in attitudes and behaviour.

�Licensees and those working in bars and clubs are legally responsible to use due diligence at their doors to stop already intoxicated people from entering premises.

�They are also duty-bound to refuse to serve intoxicated people.

�We expect pubs and clubs to trade responsibly. Steps to ensure that tap water is available freely, and that drinks are available in smaller measures, can help people moderate their alcohol intake.

�These codes and other effective interventions will all help to tackle some of the problems associated with the problematic sale and consumption of alcohol by a few and will assist in making our towns and city centres safer."

ACPO comment on Stonewall Top 100 Employers list

ACPO Press Office — Wed, 13 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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Seventeen police forces have made it onto the 2010 Stonewall Top 100 Employers list, the annual list announcing Britain�s best employers for gay staff.

Hampshire Force comes in at number two on the list and is top public sector employer. It is followed by Kent (9), Merseyside (13), West Midlands (19), Metropolitan Police Service (21), Cheshire (23), Greater Manchester (23), Staffordshire (34), Sussex (34), British Transport Police (39), Lancashire (47), North Wales (50), Suffolk (50), Thames Valley Police (50), Hertfordshire (60), West Mercia (73) and West Yorkshire (79).

ACPO spokesperson on LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) issues, Assistant Chief Constable Steve Dann of Hampshire said:

"We are pleased that so many forces have made it onto the Stonewall Top 100 Employers List this year and we congratulate them all on this achievement. The service as a whole strives to ensure they treat everyone fairly and equally regardless of sexual orientation.

�ACPO is committed to ensuring the police service is a good employer. The police service should lead by example and reflect the make-up of our society so that we can promote better understanding, acceptance and diversity of all within our ranks and amongst our communities.�

The ACPO Press Office can be contacted via 020 7084 8946/47/48 (office hours) or via 07803 903686 (out of office hours).

The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is an independent, professionally led strategic body. In the public interest and, in equal and active partnership with Government and the Association of Police Authorities, ACPO leads and co-ordinates the direction and development of the police service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In times of national need ACPO, on behalf of all chief officers, coordinates the strategic policing response.

ACPO�s 341 members are police officers of Assistant Chief Constable rank (Commanders in the Metropolitan Police and City of London Police) and above, and senior police staff managers, in the 44 forces in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and other forces such as British Transport Police and States of Jersey Police.

ACPO response to the European Court of Human Rights ruling on Section 44

ACPO Press Office — Tue, 12 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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ACPO lead on stop and search Chief Constable Craig Mackey said:

�The European Court of Human Rights today ruled that Section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 contravenes the European Convention on Human Rights.

�However the Home Secretary Alan Johnson this afternoon said that the government is seeking to appeal against the decision.

�As a result of the government decision to seek to appeal the ruling and following legal advice, the use Section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 remains in force in accordance with authorisations currently in place nationally.

�The use of stop and search powers under Sections 43 and 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 remain an important tactic in our counter terrorism strategy.

�The threat remains real and serious and stop and search can deter and disrupt terrorist activity and create a hostile environment for terrorists. Protecting the public remains our priority."

More than 350 gun 'fingerprints' tracked

ACPO Press Office — Mon, 11 Jan 10 00:00:00 GMT

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The National Ballistics Intelligence Service (NABIS) linked more than 350 guns with crimes in its first year of operation, Policing and Crime Minister David Hanson announced today.

The service, which was jointly established by the Home Office and the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) in November 2008, helps police forces to solve crimes in which guns have been used, identify the minority of individuals who import and supply guns illegally and track down people who are illegally converting or adapting them.

Policing and Crime Minister David Hanson MP said:

�Thankfully gun crime is rare and continues to decline, however, when it occurs it ruins lives and devastates communities � and that is why we are committed to getting weapons off our streets.

�Through state-of-the-art intelligence NABIS has been instrumental in enabling the police to truly understand the extent and nature of gun crime in way not previously possible. This pioneering ballistics work has helped to bring ruthless criminals to justice and clamp down on the minority of people who use guns illegally.�

NABIS has three areas of delivery: Forensic Services, Intelligence and Knowledge. These three areas come together to ensure a complete and holistic approach to tackling gun crime.

Police forces and other law enforcement agencies can submit ballistic material to one of the NABIS regional centres. NABIS is then able link ballistic items to previous crimes and incidents within 48 hours, enabling police to establish crucial links within the initial hours of an investigation.

Gun crime in the UK is rare and there has been an 11 per cent fall since 2005. The government is absolutely committed to tackling gun crime through targeted policing and tough powers. The UK has some of the toughest firearms laws in the world, with a five year mandatory minimum sentence for gun possession, and average sentences for firearm possession triple those of a decade ago.

Assistant Chief Constable Susannah Fish, Association of Chief Police Officers lead on the criminal use of firearms said:

�NABIS has been a huge step forward in the fight against gun crime, ACPO and the Home Office have created a truly national and integrated approach to tackling this type of crime.

�Nowhere else is the world is there a firearms service such as this. NABIS is able to focus on science, intelligence and knowledge in a constructive and dynamic way. My message to communities is that we are dedicated to stamping out this type of crime and are working hard in delivering a joined up and effective response.�

The linking of intelligence-based forensic services and integrated intelligence products provide UK policing with a unique system which is unrivalled anywhere in the world.

1. NABIS was initially jointly funded by the Home Office and the Association of Chief Police Officers in November 2008, with an investment of �5.5 million. The Association of Chief Police Officers continues to fund the service for a further �2.5 million per year.

2. More information about the National Ballistics Intelligence Service can be found at www.nabis.police.uk.

3. In September 2007 the government launched the successful Tackling Gangs Action Programme to tackle gun and gang crime. The ongoing work is now embedded within the Tackling Knives and Serious Youth Violence Action Programme (TKAP).

4. In its first year of operation NABIS has received nearly 2,000 submissions from UK law enforcement into the NABIS regional centres, these submissions have consisted of nearly 4,000 individual items. NABIS has linked over 350 firearms incidents and supported the police forces of England and Wales with intelligence packages relating to numerous incidences.

5. NABIS Intelligence Cell creates structured, representative and supportive intelligence information for police forces and law enforcement agencies. Focused on what firearms are used, how they are used and by whom they are used, the NABIS Intelligence Cell is able to support partners in targeting offenders and Organised Crime Groups (OCG�s) as well as developing our understanding of the supply of firearms into and within the UK.

New moves to improve police equality performance

ACPO Press Office — Wed, 2 Dec 09 00:00:00 GMT

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Two new initiatives to improve police service delivery of equality will be launched today (2 December).

The National Policing Improvement Agency is launching its Equality Standard for the Police Service whilst ACPO, the Home Office and the Association of Police Authorities are launching an overarching strategy for improving equality.

The NPIA�s Equality Standard is a key part of the strategy and is a framework to enable police forces across England and Wales to meet the needs of their diverse communities as well as those inside the service.

Policing and Crime Minister Rt Hon David Hanson MP said:

�It is vital our police service has the trust and confidence of all communities and reflects the people it serves. In our Green Paper last year we set out a vision to improve diversity in the force and I welcome both the strategy and the Equality Standard in helping to deliver it.�

The Standard is the first of its type specifically designed for policing. It helps forces assess how far they have developed beyond basic compliance with equality law, and improve delivery of services for their local communities.
The Standard will drive consistent improvement in all forces through benchmarking and the sharing of effective practice. It will also enhance accountability and contribute to increasing public confidence in the police.

ACPO lead for equality, diversity and human rights, Chief Constable Stephen Otter, said:

�Policing has undergone great change to meet the evolving and diverse needs of society and the people we serve. In recent years the police service has made real progress in delivering improvements in equality and diversity. We remain committed to meeting the needs of various communities by keeping equality, diversity and human rights at the heart of the service we provide.

�The Equality, Diversity & Human Rights Strategy for the Police Service sets out the direction and priorities for future change and improvement.

�The Equality Standard for the Police Service provides a framework for assessment and improvement which will enable forces and Authorities to integrate equality activity into every area of policing business.

�These two initiatives provide us with a real opportunity to deliver consistent and long term improvements in the quality of service that we provide to all of the communities.�

Chief Constable Peter Neyroud, Chief Executive of the NPIA, said:

�We have produced the Equality Standard to encourage the police to tailor the services and internal processes to the needs of groups within the police as well as communities they serve.

�The Standard will help forces increase public confidence in policing to benefit people inside and outside the service. It will enable forces to reduce staff turnover and increase staff satisfaction by improving recruitment, retention and progression of under-represented groups inside the service. By doing this, forces can build a more diverse, skilled workforce that reflects their communities more closely.�

Association of Police Authorities (APA) Chairman Rob Garnham said:

�The APA has worked closely with our policing partners to make sure that both the equality strategy and the Equality Standard are designed to achieve the outcomes that communities want in making the police service fairer and more equitable.�

�This work will assist the APA and police authorities to identify improvements in policing both locally and nationally, and by involving communities, increase confidence in policing.�

To avoid unnecessary duplication, the Standard does not require the police to carry out any new tasks but to demonstrate how they are delivering equality improvements in areas where there has been long-standing criticism.

The Standard requires evidence from existing activities such as local policing plans, impact assessments, evaluations of deployments, and investigations as well as records of community engagement and partnership work.

It is flexible to take account of differing policing styles, conditions and priorities across forces in England and Wales. There are formal arrangements for updating it to ensure that it remains challenging enough to sustain improvement.

� The forces taking part in the three month field-tests earlier this year were: Northumbria, Cleveland, Lancashire, Derbyshire, North Wales, City of London, Sussex, Devon & Cornwall, Kent, Greater Manchester and the Metropolitan Police Service.

� Copies of the Equality Standard for the Police Service are available at http://www.npia.police.uk/en/11975.htm.

� The ACPO Press Office can be contacted via 020 7084 8946/47/48 (office hours) or via 07803 903686 (out of office hours).

� The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is an independent, professionally led strategic body. In the public interest and, in equal and active partnership with Government and the Association of Police Authorities, ACPO leads and co-ordinates the direction and development of the police service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In times of national need ACPO, on behalf of all chief officers, coordinates the strategic policing response.

� ACPO�s 341 members are police officers of Assistant Chief Constable rank (Commanders in the Metropolitan Police and City of London Police) and above, and senior police staff managers, in the 44 forces in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and other forces such as British Transport Police and States of Jersey Police.

War is easy. Peace is the difficult prize. Longford Lecture by Sir Hugh Orde

ACPO Press Office — Wed, 2 Dec 09 00:00:00 GMT

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Thank you for the opportunity to deliver the Lord Longford lecture. It is indeed a great honour to address you on this topic.

The topic I have chosen is one that is very important to me as an individual, but not in the routine of policing. It is a truly unique project created to deal with a set of circumstances that occurred over time.

The years between 1968 and 1998 in Northern Ireland were known as �The Troubles�. A massive understatement of the period that led to 3268 deaths attributed to those Troubles, thousands of injuries and billions of pounds worth of damage.

The sheer awfulness of that time was captured in the book Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children Who Died Through the Northern Ireland Troubles. It was written by four journalists and an academic: David McKittrick, a highly respected journalist and correspondent for the Independent in Northern Ireland; Seamus Kelters, a news editor for the BBC; Brian Feeney, a lecturer and columnist on Irish history and frequent reporter in Northern Ireland on those subjects and indeed politics; Chris Thornton, a former crime correspondent and now producer for the BBC; together with David McVea, a lecturer.

It listed in date order all those who died, together with a short story around the circumstances of their deaths. It is without question an incredibly powerful reminder of that time, and was also the starting point of this particular story. Some entries are just a few lines:

Entry 80; July 19 1971, Henry Cole, West Belfast, Civilian, Catholic, 47, from Donegal Pass. He died an hour after a bomb containing shrapnel exploded very near his house - having being thrown at an army patrol. All but one of the windows in his home were smashed in the explosion, his bedroom was filled with broken glass, soot and smoke. He had a history of heart disease.

Others run into pages.

Entry 1992; February 17, 1978, Thomas Neeson, Civilian Protestant, 52, married, 3 children car salesman. He was one of 12 people who died when the IRA left a firebomb at La Mon House, a country hotel outside Belfast. In the ensuing fire those trapped in the main dining room were burnt to death and more than 30 others were seriously injured in the attack.

That particular entry runs to three pages. I met many of the families of those who were simply a few lines in that book.

This story is around policing the past, which weighs heavily on many spheres of activity in Northern Ireland, and policing in particular. This is not just a Northern Ireland phenomena, (it is equally true in the Balkans, in Columbia, Uganda, and Rwanda, to cite a small sample from across the globe). I have seen it first hand in South Africa. It is without question true that the past and its memory play on the present and future.

It is said that those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it. Perhaps there is some particular resonance in this currently; as sadly news from the province is not good: young people being recruited into Dissident Republican groups who would not even have been born when the Troubles were at their height.

In relation to Northern Ireland the counter argument is that people are condemned to repeat the past because they remember it too well.
In their paper An Urge to Remember, Vice President of the US Institute of Peace Judy Barsalou and Victoria Baxter of the UN Foundation, also identify this tension:

�The urge to honour the dead and remember violent struggles is as prevalent as the impulse to repress terrible memories and move on.�

The argument of whether to draw a line under the past and move on or whether to commit scarce resources to this issue is central to where I began as Northern Ireland�s Chief Constable: with a Police Service undergoing enormous and historic change and a budget designed to meet the current policing needs.
You can make your own minds up, but I was very interested in the context of the policing debate to facing up to some of the key issues around our history, in particular the reinvestigation of the many murders that took place, and on which fulcrum, public confidence still tottered frequently and somewhat precariously.

Many of the murders remained unsolved. For others there were convictions. In all, big questions remained outstanding for families. And these were families from every community in Northern Ireland who, as we were to find out, knew almost nothing, about the circumstances of the death, about the investigation and in many cases about its outcome. Staggeringly in all the mayhem, there were people who did not even know there had been an inquest into the death of their loved one or indeed a conviction where one had taken place. What I did sense was an opportunity, based on the new dispensation post 1998: an opportunity to help to underpin the peace process from a police perspective.
It is an interesting coincidence that two years ago President Mary McAleese spoke here on changing history.

She said: �With a new confidence in our future Ireland has begun to look the past in the face.�

Discussing the new optimism she continued: �The benefits of this sea change in attitudes cannot be overstated - it has released into Irish society a new mood of dispensation to talk with fresh openness and without fear about things that were once, in some quarters, taboo.�

It was into that space so well described by the President that we sought to introduce our contribution to facing up to the past from a police perspective.
So what was all of this to do with me?

In terms of my involvement in the province, I have spent almost a decade of my professional career there. Initially I was in day-to-day command of the Stevens Team - a group of detectives under the leadership of the then Commissioner, Sir John Stevens, now Lord Stevens of Kirkwhelpington. We were reinvestigating the unsolved murder of Patrick Finucane, a Belfast solicitor who was murdered by a loyalist paramilitary group. In the book Lost Lives, he is entry 3012.

Civilian, Catholic, 38 married, 3 children, lawyer. A prominent defence solicitor, who was shot by the UDA/UFF at his home in Fortwilliam Drive in the Antrim Road district in an incident which gave rise to long-running controversy. Allegations about his death were still being levelled by human rights groups in 1999, more than a decade after his death. He was killed as he and his family were eating a Sunday meal. UDA members knocked down the front door with sledgehammers and used a revolver and a pistol to fire 14 shots, all of which hit him. His wife was wounded in the foot during the attack, which was witnessed by all three of the couple�s children.

That was a truly complicated case, but in policing terms a reasonably successful investigation. which 14 years after the murder led to the arrest, prosecution and conviction on a man for an appalling crime. But while I was reasonably satisfied that at least one person had been brought to justice, the family, without question, were unsatisfied with the outcome. Not because the individual would only serve two years under the terms and provisions of the Belfast Agreement, but because they wanted a public inquiry into the wider circumstances of his death. That inquiry is yet to be held.

In September 2002 I was appointed Chief Constable of the PSNI during a time of immense change. I served as the chief constable for exactly seven years, retiring from that position in September this year (2009).

They were difficult ,and on occasions ,extremely challenging times but hugely rewarding. Sadly near the end of my tenure the past came back to haunt us and Sappers Azimkar and Quincy were assassinated outside Massereene Barracks on 7 March this year as they prepared to go to Afghanistan later that evening. One of my officers Constable Stevie Carroll was murdered on 9 March 2009 by dissident Republicans as he responded to a call for help from a distressed citizen in Lurgan. Sadly Lost Lives needs a new and updated edition, entries 3713 to 3715. Something I hoped I would never have to say.

It was soon after my appointment that it became clear to me that if we were to move policing on in the new world post-Belfast Agreement, our history would act as an unwelcome anchor unless we thought very carefully about how we, as a police service, could contribute to a process that brought some resolution to the many victims� families who had so many unanswered questions about the circumstances surrounding the deaths of their loved ones. I was clear that to achieve a lasting peace the difficult territory of the past had to be confronted. Peace was indeed the difficult prize.

The challenge was complicated by the lack of a collective memory about the past. There was no common past. Professor Daniel Bar-Tal in an essay entitled Collective Memory, Intractable Conflict, Education and Reconciliation argues that all nations and ethnic groups need a common past in order to structure social identity and solidarity. We were far from such a state. Policing itself was subject to wildly different accounts and interpretations, ranging from heroic fighters of evil to co-conspirators and assassins. There was without question a growing willingness to face up to some of these issues in a rather disorganised way, but what was absent was any determined effort to find a model to meet the needs of the community in coming to terms with or acknowledging the past.

Again, to remind ourselves of President McAleese�s speech in 2007, she said:

�With a new confidence in our future Ireland has begun to look the past in the face. We are prising open the sealed space between historiography and history...�

She continued: �These old narratives are now giving way to a more considered story ... where previously our history has been characterised by a plundering of the past for things to separate and differentiate us from one the other, our future now holds the optimistic possibility that Ireland will become a better place, where we will not only develop new relationships but will more comfortably revisit the past.�

Louis Bickford of the International Centre for Transitional Justice says there are two overlapping paradigms for confronting past memory and transitional justice.

The transitional justice paradigm relates to the legal responsibilities of the state and the international community to promote the rule of law.
It requires that post conflict states meet four responsibilities:

- truth-telling about what happened in the past;
- prosecutions of perpetrators;
- reparations for victims; and
- guarantees of non-repetition through institutional reform.

Documentation is essential for each of these processes. I will come back to that later.

The memory paradigm seeks to promote a culture of democratisation in part by creating a �never again� mentality. Depending heavily on cultural and other methods of educating and reminding people about the past, it also relies substantially on documentary evidence.

As it turned out, the Historical Enquiry Team set up by the Police Service of Northern Ireland was to be the first major new societal step towards addressing a number of these issues. I always envisaged that it would be part of a wider process. My hope was that other approaches would run in parallel, providing alternative solutions to our approach.

The Consultative Group on the Past chaired by Lord Robin Eames and Denis Bradley, retired Deputy Chairman of the Policing Board for Northern Ireland, reported only last January setting out proposals for dealing with the wider issues. It has spawned much controversy and debate. The Northern Ireland Office launched a consultation on the consultation and is quietly assessing those submissions currently.

My thinking around this difficult and imprecise subject was helped greatly by a number of quiet conversations I had with some immensely dignified individuals from a whole range of backgrounds.

I happen to believe quiet conversations should be just that, so I won�t explain them in detail. They should be quiet and they should be private; but they were an essential way of widening my understanding of the difficult issues I was facing. I spoke with the families of police officers, soldiers, civilians, and terrorists from the different Republican and Loyalist factions. All, unsurprisingly, had one thing in common, they had lost someone. Many had lost several of their loved ones. All that I spoke to had not seen justice in the traditional sense, and their views on policing were informed to a greater or lesser extent by that experience. Many of the cases remained unsolved. Certainly the questions, the haunting issues, from the achingly personal to the labyrinthine conspiracy theories; remained unanswered. Indeed, of the 3268 murders 2002 were never solved. Many convictions of people for those crimes were overturned on appeal, and many had no faith in the criminal justice process anyway.

There was, however, a common strand across the groups. The majority wanted to know more about what had happened. They wanted to know about the investigation. Their questions varied greatly. Some were highly organised and with the help of others had carried out their own detailed investigations with the help of groups that work in Northern Ireland, some of which are represented here including British Irish Rights Watch, the Pat Finucane Centre, Families for Justice and those sorts of groups. Indeed we were presented with files and documents by some, and even names of suspected killers. In Northern Ireland such detail was not unusual, it simply added to the complexity of the situation.

Many were convinced that the deaths of their loved ones were as a direct result of collusion; whilst others had received no support and simply wanted to get on with their lives untroubled by us raking over the coals.
There was clearly going to be no model that could simply be universally applied. These conversations that I had were instrumental in the development of the distinct Historical Enquiries Team approach which is both family-centred and human rights compliant around the need for a full independent and effective investigation into every death.

I was very clear that the issue could not be consigned to the �too difficult� tray, although I have to say it was quite tempting. From a pragmatic point of view, if we didn�t face up to the challenge we would be continually revisiting old cases in an unstructured, disorganised way over a prolonged period of time. This would lead to the resurfacing of old accusations and old suspicions and detract from the reforms made in policing over recent years. I felt we would slowly be weighed down by individual cases that came to our attention in a variety of ways. Officers employed to police the present would be moved across to deal with the past, leaving us exposed in key areas of police investigation to deal with the crime we were currently facing. We had to come up with something completely new to deal with this challenge.

We also had to genuinely believe this was the right thing to do. It required a real commitment to tell the stories �warts and all� and convince the majority of families that this was also the right thing to do. We were concerned that without critical mass in terms of support we would be in a bad place. I refer back to those quiet conversations as underpinning this process and giving me the confidence to pursue this to completion. But I would also add to the equation the emerging evidence that we as a police service, were already delivering on the Patten reforms. And the real changes we were delivering in terms of modernising the police service were proof that we were up for the challenge and committed with an equal determination to deliver backwards as well as forwards.

So I did feel we had a mandate to take these broad ideas to the next stage, based on what I had been told by those who knew best; the families of victims.
During the discussions some clear principles had emerged that would be essential to gaining trust, confidence and to the success of the process. Unsurprisingly many of these learning points were enshrined in Strasbourg case law.

The cases of McKerr, Brecknell, McShane, Reavey, O�Dowd, all of which are Northern Ireland cases, underpinned the Human Rights principles around Article 2 of the Human Rights Act. Namely, the right to an independent and effective investigation: a simple phrase, but one with substantial consequence in terms of a history where allegations of collusion by the State with terrorists were endemic. In essence it meant we would have to create a team of investigators with no connections whatsoever to Northern Ireland to run alongside our colleagues here in Northern Ireland and dealing with the less contentious cases. This one principle would add hugely to the complexity and potential cost of our endeavour.

The primary objects of policing also had to be established as an overriding principle, but tempered with our reality. In cases of unsolved crime, the �detection� of offenders should be our main focus. However, the likelihood of solving cases was clearly going to be slight. Witnesses would be old or dead. Exhibits, if still available, could be contaminated or inadmissible. Informants and agents would be in the mix; the original paperwork incomplete or missing. None of this surprised me at all.

At the height of the Troubles 497 people were murdered in one year, the forensic laboratory was blown up twice. Numerous police stations were blown up; stations housing much of the investigative material. Police resources, understandably, would have been stretched to the limit.

Indeed the Strasbourg Court in relation to one of the Finucane cases said: �The Court did not consider it appropriate to indicate that the Government should hold a fresh investigation into Mr Finucane's death. It could not be assumed in cases such as this that a future investigation could usefully be carried out or provide any redress, either to the victim's family or in terms of providing transparency and accountability to the wider public. The lapse of time and its effect on evidence and the availability of witnesses could inevitably render such an investigation unsatisfactory or inconclusive.�
In other words, in deciding what was and what was not an effective investigation, time played a part.

Clearly, managing expectations would be critical as our approach could not be seen to be 3268 mini public enquiries. We simply couldn�t manage that. It rapidly became clear that the family liaison role would be critical to our success.

The fact that evidential opportunities lost at the time would be hard to recover did not render the initiative worthless. We had to shift the focus to ensure that, mindful of our primary role as investigators, the driving force behind this initiative would be to deliver a meaningful outcome for the families. This was a unique approach, to our minds, which we adopted, recognising at the very start that it would not work for everyone, a fact we fully respected. For those who wanted to engage, the principle of �maximum permissible disclosure� was the selling point.

This was linked to openness. Not the traditional starting point for a police investigation into such serious crimes, but this had to be different. The phrase, �the principle of maximum permissible disclosure� meant exactly what it said; we would tell the family everything we found, however difficult or challenging that may be, subject only to legal restrictions, for example Article 2 issues. In other words information that could put another life at risk would not and could not be disclosed.

We also quickly realised that any chance of success would depend on all available paperwork being available to us from cases going back decades. Whilst this sounds quite obvious, in logistical terms it was a huge task. We employed 33 staff to search every single police building in the five and a half thousand miles that makes up Northern Ireland, and we have many. It took three years.

In common with other forces at that time, there were no central stores for exhibits and files. Most cases pre-dated the computer databases we now have. We found files all over the country, lining the lofts as anti-mortar protection in some places. At the time, police officers were moved frequently and they took their files with them. A Derry murder file might turn up in Armagh � police officers took them with them on transfer - and of course many police officers were murdered themselves half way through investigations.
But despite the passage of time and the bombing of stations we have recovered police material in 90 percent of the cases we were facing and some material in over 99 percent. We have also coordinated searches within the Public Records Office, the Ministry of Defence, the Security Service, the Public Prosecution Service, media outlets and libraries which are actually very important in terms of open source material.

It was very expensive and it was painstaking, this was a vital foundation, underpinning the whole process which was to follow. In a Northern Ireland context missing files would always have the capacity to undermine confidence very seriously even if the explanation was perfectly legitimate. Just as crucially, for families, information was the key. There are still challenges around this area, not least that whilst government departments keep information, paramilitary and terrorist organisations do not.

Another essential principle was what the Historical Enquiries Team now term the family focus. If a person is murdered today and a murder investigation ensues, the police time and resources invested in that investigation are focused on procuring evidence in pursuit of conviction of the offender. In the course of that investigation families will be kept informed and briefed at every step. However they do not help shape the enquiry directly. Expert resources are not deployed in pursuit of the answers to family questions of a personal nature unless they are already an issue of concern to investigators.
Right at the very beginning of the HET process we trace families and ask them what they would like us to do, rather than tell them what we think they need to know once the work is done. Obtaining answers to their specific questions - just as much as evidential opportunities - would help guide the work of the HET.

The questions take us to the heart of the human and social tragedy and the most sensitive political and personal issues.

Was he in pain?
Was he alone?
Has he had his breakfast?
Why him?
Could it have been prevented?
Did the police protect an informer?
Can I see the pictures, I never got to say goodbye?
Why was he left lying in the road for 24 hours? (Answer: the victim�s body was booby trapped to kill the police officers who recovered it, something the family had never been told.)

At the end of the HET investigation every family is given a written report to keep. It outlines the circumstances of the death, the original investigation, the further investigation work conducted by HET and outcomes and answers to the family questions. The document is a very significant piece of work, prepared to the same �maximum permissible disclosure� family-centred standards. This is completely new ground for UK policing, perhaps world policing. It is truly customer focused.

Above all, in a country where victims have been politicised by the various parties for political advantage, it was also key that this would be a fair and impartial process. No family would be more important than another. He who shouts loudest would gain no advantage and the vast majority of long suffering quiet victims would be heard. We were galvanised by a determination to deliver for those who had no voice or no support at all.

So we had the makings of a plan, but we needed to operationalise these ideas. Where to start? To the best of my knowledge, nothing of this volume and complexity had ever been attempted before. There was a new devolved assembly. There were fears on all sides that the institutions could not withstand the destabilising impact of a spotlight on past events, and a real fear that having brought about the new Police Service of Northern Ireland and the Patten process, growing confidence in policing and its new structures would be stymied by constant references to the controversies of old. However we were not put off and set ourselves the task of convincing Government.

There was no pre-existing model. The original timescales and business case we submitted were a best guess. Many were only too willing to decry the chances of success from the very start. One local politician told us frankly: they will set you up with not enough time, not enough money and let you fail. In darker moments the sheer scale was daunting but we were convinced that doing nothing was simply wrong.

We also believed that a refusal to act could do more damage than any possible political instability created by opening up old cases. Families, to whom engagement with us had given fresh expectation, could not be let down again.
Rightly we were asked, and challenged, is this police business? Success, in reality, was answering family questions, offering a measure of resolution where possible and in a few cases, progressing new or remaining realistic evidential opportunities. But we did know prosecutions were not going to be the principal measure of success: convictions, whilst not impossible, were unlikely.
Perhaps understandably, with so much at stake, and no clear path to follow, political support was not all that evident, although many were watching from the sidelines.

We did have some incentives for the decision makers. There was a continuing stream of cases from the UK making their way to the European Courts for breaches of the Human Rights Act. The demands of the past were stretching the police service currently, and there were the growing voices of victims who had seen an opportunity and wanted their voices to be heard.

Following a series of meetings in 2004, convened to discuss this particular issue, we wrote a paper entitled �War is easy. Peace is the difficult prize.� - a quote borrowed from that tireless campaigner for peace Martti Ahtisaari.
The Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, granted �34 million on the back of that paper. Initially for a four year period, it was extended by the Treasury to six years. Nevertheless, we had support, a starting point, and a reasonable amount of funding to make a difference. So we took the risk, and it was one worth taking.

I remain deeply grateful to Paul Murphy, his ministers and senior officials, who provided that added momentum and gripped the opportunity to turn our vision to reality. Without this support I am very clear we would not be here today.

Having secured funding, the project was now deliverable against a challenging timescale. I felt many were looking to see what happened next, and many still refused to engage. Each time we scratched the surface of the past; depending on the case we provoked reactions that ranged from complete indifference to outright fury.

The right to an effective investigation is not tempered by an individual�s background, however offensive or criminal it was. The reactions were on many occasions entirely understandable but difficult to handle. We now had to create a structure to deliver outcomes. A structure that was resilient would stand up to scrutiny and deliver an outcome in the form of some sort of resolution for the families.

The HET Process

As I mentioned at the beginning, one of the founding principles is the determination to be fair and impartial to all families, and this provided the starting point for developing the system.
HET applies a consistent professional standard to every case it reviews. Each case is approached independently, no case is more important than another. There is no hierarchy of victims in our world. The team makes no moral or political judgment about the victims. Each case follows the same five-step process:
�We collect papers and exhibits;
�we assess the material, and speak to families to find out what success looks like to them;
�we review material, to consider evidential opportunities and family concerns;
�we look at forensics and the opportunities new science has given us, certainly around DNA and fingerprints; and
�we prepare what we call the resolution report.

Every case is looked at on a chronological basis. We felt that was important because legally and ethically it would be wrong to expect families to engage if we hadn�t made those decisions ourselves, and the chronological basis seemed a sensible starting point.

From a professional point of view looking at each case in turn allows intelligence links and similar fact evidence to emerge as The Troubles unfolded, and we had a database that allowed us to do that.
Leaving the decision to conduct a police operation to families could potentially place families at risk of pressure from paramilitary groups or individuals with a personal or political vested interest in a particular matter.

And of course families often change their minds. Having declined to engage at the beginning, we�ve found that over a third chose to engage by the end. They became quite enthused as the process went on.

On occasion we have to move away from our basic principle. Before we started the HET I had already opened many cases in the Northern Ireland Police Service Routine Investigation Team, the CiD Offices, and those were all taken over by the HET. It would have been wrong to close cases that we had already opened and over 200 of those were put straight in to the investigation.

Humanitarian considerations sadly became ever more pressing as families got older. We had to take some cases out of sequence in the hope we could give an outcome to a family member before he or she died. Sadly having had the experience of a result after the death of both parents of a completely innocent young man, it was a telling learning experience and we tried to avoid that where we possibly could.

There were clearly cases of serious public interest; and there were linked series of murders which had to be investigated in their totality.
In terms of our methodology it was straightforward: it was in line with European Convention on Human Rights Article 2: an effective, independent investigation. We looked at and frankly, identified, on occasions, any mistakes or deficiencies in the original case, which we reported back to families. We also set the context of the work and the operations that were going on at the time of the investigation.

Our approach concentrated on what evidence, if any, existed, what potential remained for gathering new evidence either from new lines of enquiry, missed opportunities, advances in forensic science, or whether any opportunity existed for turning existing information into evidence. We looked at that from eight core disciplines, ranging from the original case records and family concerns, through exhibits, to open source material. Over 3,000 books alone have been written on The Troubles and it was very difficult to say to a family I�m sorry we�ve found no new information, only for them to say, have you read so and so�s book � it�s all in there.

We did not necessarily believe everything we read, but it was important to assess the evidence. We also looked at linked issues for analysis and we spoke to many of the original inquiry officers, the detectives who had tried to investigate these crimes during The Troubles.

If we identified realistic opportunities then we pursued them, and the investigation proceeded as a traditional police inquiry. Indeed many people have been arrested by the HET and files submitted to the Public Prosecution Service. More often, however, given the length of time that has elapsed, and taking account of issues I have touched on, the focus of the work switches to providing information and answering family questions and concerns. This was completed by providing a comprehensive report.

We put as much as we possibly could into those reports. We told the story, we explained the work undertaken by the original investigation. We discussed the intelligence with them as best we could, the exhibits and forensic evidence; and we had a conversation with the families on that basis, and on a basis of confidentiality, honesty and trust.

The reports were prepared on exactly the same lines as everything else we did: with maximum permissible disclosure. We did explain at the beginning the limitations of that because, again it had to be an honest approach from the word go. And context was a very important factor.

We explained our findings to families and where there had been missed opportunities, that it did not always mean they could be re-created. But we talked those through with the families.

These documents are challenging to write, and great emphasis is placed on quality and much care put into them. There has been a continual evolution and improvement as a result of feedback from many families we have spoken to and who have had the benefit of these reports. And we consult regularly with many non-governmental organisations and specialist groups involved in looking at the past along with us.

We deliver these reports personally to families unless they request otherwise. The HET personnel will always be available to talk through the findings. Families can have representatives with them if they wish from those NGOs or indeed anyone they think can help them come to terms with what we tell them. We maintain contact after the report has been delivered to see if any further issues have arisen. We are committed to listening and will always re-examine a report if families raise further questions or are dissatisfied with the outcome. If necessary, they have had the opportunity to meet with senior managers up to and including me, and I have met many families who have made that request.

We have now been operational since January 2006. 1459 cases have been re-opened and 78 reviews completed.

Over 932 families have engaged so far. We are responding to nearly 6,000 questions they have raised.

In my judgement, the work of the HET represents a genuine and committed attempt by the PSNI to try and help families of victims of The Troubles find a measure of resolution. As I briefly mentioned, it was intended to be part of a wider, societal effort to address the legacy of the past. In the event, other initiatives have taken longer to emerge than expected and we have been a lone option for many families for some considerable period of time.

Northern Ireland remains a divided society, with strong under-currents of sectarianism and an embedded distrust of the police in some communities. We have had to work hard to try and break down these barriers; we have engaged with families from all communities and their representatives, including politicians, clergy, legal advisors, NGOs and others established to promote victims� interests. We have learnt and benefited enormously from this interaction, which has resulted in a better understanding of the issues involved. We have developed incrementally from our initial vision: there was no science to this. I do think that we have become part of a wider solution to our difficult history, but we recognise that it will always be less than perfect.

As the first Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Richard Goldstone, said in relation to that conflict that ended 16 years ago:

"Sometimes too much is expected from justice. It's just one of the tools. There are others. But it's certainly better than the old way of simply forgetting the past and allowing hatred and revenge to bubble up. Forgetting about the past is a recipe for disaster."

He continued:

"The customers of any justice system are the victims. They're the people who have suffered and who call for justice and who are entitled to justice. The effect of these courts or of the truth and reconciliation system, as in South Africa, is to give an official, credible platform to victims, to tell their stories and get a public acknowledgement of what happened. And frequently, in my experience, that can begin the healing process. It can aid peace because it removes cause for revenge."

Overall I think the results we have achieved to date speak for themselves. We had an independent survey conducted of the people and families we have worked with and 95% said the Historical Enquiries Team was seen as professional. Sixty six percent felt their questions were fully answered (and mindful of the questions being asked, we think that is fairly substantial); 74 percent felt it was useful and crucially; 86 percent felt they were satisfied with the performance we had given; 70 percent felt we had moved their world on.
So in other words, I think we felt we had made a difference.

Finally, a word on the international aspects of our work. It was interesting we were called to present to Strasbourg on what we were doing, and in April 2008, together with the Director (retired Commander David Cox) and the Deputy Director of HET (DCS Phillip James), I gave a presentation to the Secretariat of the Committee of Ministers in Strasbourg on the work of the HET, As a result of this presentation, the Secretariat reported:

��The HET can be considered as a useful model for bringing a �measure of resolution� to those affected in long-lasting conflicts. Such institutions could be viewed as playing an important role in satisfying the state�s continuing obligation to conduct effective investigations in violations of Article 2 of the Convention.

It is interesting also that only last month, as a result of the Strasbourg endorsement, we were visited by people from Chechnya and Russia to see what our work was doing and to see if there was any application in their world.
To conclude and bring us full circle, Professor Tony Hepburn commented in 1996 in a piece on Lord Longford�s book Peace by ordeal that:

�It would be one of history�s nicer touches if his ninetieth birthday year were to see an imaginative step by today�s politicians towards a resolution of the Northern Ireland conflict which Lloyd George�s sleight of hand avoided�.
Well two years later the world did move on and by 2002 there was much to be positive about. Indeed I am convinced that despite those who are currently doing whatever they can to wreck all that has been achieved, the province will continue to move forward in what is now a very difficult end game. But end game it is.

However, the quote from Hepburn remains entirely relevant today. More imagination and risk taking is now required by the political leadership to deliver devolved policing and justice responsibilities in Northern Ireland.
The conditions have been created to make this possible. One of those conditions, in my judgment, being a willingness to confront the past in its widest sense. We will not finish our Historical Enquiries Team investigations on time, and we now face the challenge of seeking additional funding to complete our task and I am determined we should achieve it, although it is not my responsibility any more. The economic arguments are very powerful, compared to the incredibly expensive legal public inquiry approach, which does not represent very good value for money in my terms.

In terms of outcomes, we still await the findings of these huge public inquiry events. The latest estimate of costs for the Bloody Sunday inquiry, for example, is �188 million. I remain to be convinced that when (and if) they publish, they will achieve ratings like those from the HET in terms of outcomes. Of course they are different events. I await that debate when we see the product, but I am not holding my breath.

The Eames Bradley report is still work in progress and does, I think, provide some very alternative approaches we were seeking way back in 2005. It requires cooperation from ex-combatants to be really effective but it is a thoughtful and important piece of work.

We have learnt much during our journey and amended our process on the back of that learning. We were over-optimistic around timescales for this immense task, but so what? We mobilised and we got started. Many delays were not foreseeable. We did not, for example, expect such interest in our work and the many additional questions that families as our investigations unfolded.
But overall, not only am I immensely proud of the whole team and its leadership for embarking on this challenge, but personally, in 32 years of policing very little gets as close to self-actualisation as this. Maslow would have been proud of us. There is nothing more satisfying and humbling than a conversation with a family who now feel that we truly care and have brought at least some peace to their troubled minds after decades of pain.

I truly believe and would argue that the HET played, in my judgement, an important role in creating and maintaining the conditions that are still necessary to underpin the fragile peace, and creating the space for others to grasp the current opportunity to move Northern Ireland on and forward to an even brighter future.

Thank you very much.

(As delivered)

ACPO response to Jan Berry report: Reducing Bureaucracy in Policing

ACPO Press Office — Wed, 2 Dec 09 00:00:00 GMT

Ref : 130/09
ACPO president Sir Hugh Orde said:

�Cutting red tape in everyday policing is something that all levels of policing are striving to achieve. Effective policing is about being open, accountable and responsive to local needs, it is not about endless form-filling and performance targets.

�The reality is that policing is highly complex, highly regulated and subject to substantial oversight. It requires a mature attitude to risk, fair and reasoned decision making based on experience, discretion and commonsense; and individual officers to take responsibility for their actions on behalf of the public.

�As senior officers we need to ensure our officers have the confidence to take those decisions and feel empowered to do so.�